By Uri Weltmann
NEW YORK: “The hasty endorsement of a pact with the Hamas terror group . . . signifies an embarrassing capitulation. This agreement compromises the IDF’s [Israel Defense Forces] hard-earned accomplishments in the conflict, entails withdrawing troops from Gaza, and halts hostilities in a way that yields to Hamas,” stated Itamar Ben-Gvir, the head of the Jewish Power party, as he stepped down from his role as national security minister earlier this week.
The eagerly awaited cease-fire agreement was met with jubilation among the displaced Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, who hope to return to whatever remains of their homes after widespread devastation caused by the relentless bombings carried out by the Israeli military. Facing dire shortages of food, medicine, and essential supplies, along with the collapse of civil infrastructure (schools, hospitals, universities), Gazans are optimistic that the cease-fire may alleviate the ongoing humanitarian crisis they endure daily.
Tears of joy were also shed in Israel, where a majority supports the cease-fire agreement and looks forward to the release of hostages held by Hamas militants. On Sunday, Hamas released three civilians, and within the initial phase of the agreement, which is set to unfold over forty-two days, thirty additional hostages—including women, children, and the wounded—are expected to be freed. Their release will coincide with the liberation of almost two thousand Palestinian prisoners detained in Israeli jails, many of whom are administrative detainees who have never been tried or formally charged.
While celebrations erupted in Gaza, the relief felt by many in Israel stands in stark contrast to the sentiments of the Jewish Power ministers, who departed from Benjamin Netanyahu’s cabinet. With their Members of Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) no longer bound to vote according to coalition discipline, a political crisis appears to be emerging. Nonetheless, rather than posing a direct threat to Netanyahu’s position as prime minister, the situation appears to be unfolding in a somewhat systematic manner.
In recent weeks, as rumors began to surface regarding negotiations between Israel and Hamas, primarily mediated by Egypt and Qatar, Ben-Gvir’s party reaffirmed its hardline position against curtailing military operations in Gaza. Their stance was echoed by another coalition partner, the Religious Zionist Party, led by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. However, this party has so far opted not to withdraw from Netanyahu’s government, citing commitments made by the prime minister that fighting would resume in six weeks.
How should we interpret the actions of these reactionary parties, whose opposition to the cease-fire agreement will shape the dynamics of Israeli politics and the stability of the entire region in the future?
In the 1980s, when ultrareactionary rabbi Meir Kahane campaigned for a Knesset seat, many observers regarded his rise as a marginal phenomenon. After his party secured one seat in the 1984 elections, his tenure became notorious for its racist comments, particularly his calls for the forced removal of Arab Palestinians from territories under Israeli control.
Kahane attempted to introduce laws promoting racial segregation, advocating, for example, separate beaches for Jews and non-Jews, and criminalizing romantic and sexual relations between them. His extreme racism was so objectionable that even fellow right-wing Knesset members distanced themselves from him, including the ruling Likud party, who would leave the Knesset chamber during his speeches. In 1988, the Central Elections Committee barred him from running for reelection, citing his platform as incitement to racism.
Designated as a terrorist organization by both Israel and the United States in 1994 due to its ties to violent settler activities, Kahane’s faction became a marginalized entity in Israeli politics, comprised of a few hundred fanatic supporters lacking real political influence; to the media, they were more of a spectacle than a legitimate political entity.
However, as the Israeli political landscape became increasingly turbulent, marked by five consecutive elections between 2019 and 2022, Kahanism resurfaced. Ben-Gvir, who had joined Kahane’s movement as a youth, led the Jewish Power party in the 2019 and 2020 elections without securing any seats, but remained a thorn in the side of mainstream right-wing parties.
His breakthrough came when he brokered a coalition with the Religious Zionist Party led by Smotrich, which represents the interests of West Bank settlers and espouses nationalist-conservative views tinged with deep-seated racism and an aversion to democratic principles. This alliance catapulted Ben-Gvir out of the political margins, allowing him to win a single Knesset seat in the 2021 elections as a candidate on the Religious Zionist list.
Adept in media engagement, known for his controversial public appearances, he quickly became a media darling. One newspaper noted that “The broadcast media is addicted to Itamar Ben-Gvir,” highlighting that in the last week of March 2022, he was the second most covered politician in radio and television, just behind then-Prime Minister Naftali Bennett. (IPA Service)
Courtesy: Jacobin
