By Sushil Kutty
Currently, Sambhal is at a crucial crossroads, holding significant implications, many of which are starting to unfold. An ‘old Sambhal’ is resurfacing before our eyes—a remnant of a long-lost town that predates many current residents and even their ancestors, tracing back generations.
Every day, archaeological discoveries emerge that seem to belong in a historical drama, revealing figures from a distant India—princesses and princes, kings and queens, victors and the vanquished; temples transformed into places of worship for religions introduced to the subcontinent by invaders.
Now, after centuries of dormancy, the discoveries in Sambhal have invigorated the ‘Sanatan dharma,’ both religiously and politically. Many Hindus are excitedly discussing a possible return to a ‘Golden Age,’ envisioning Bharat as the “Sone Ki Chidiya.” The unearthing of Sambhal offers a fresh narrative to Jawaharlal Nehru’s ‘Discovery of India.’ Whether one supports it or not, the Nehru-Gandhi legacy remains integral to India’s rebirth.
Progressive historians may find this sentiment unsettling, but many Hindus perceive Sambhal as a symbol of the resurgence of Sanatan dharma after nearly a millennium of being sidelined in matters of culture and religion. This resurgence coincides with a growing political and economic influence—progress (vikas) and heritage (virasat) alike!
In this context, political dynamics have shifted significantly. Established ‘secular’ parties, such as the Samajwadi Party and the Congress, must reassess their voter base. For instance, the Samajwadi Party is no longer speaking from a position of strength following an impressive performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
The benefits of Akhilesh Yadav’s ‘PDA’ strategy, which overshadowed Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ambitious ‘Abki baar 400 paar’ campaign, seem to have dissipated. Today, six months later, where is ‘PDA’? It appears to have vanished, just as the discovery of 19 wells in Sambhal did along with temples and other tokens of Sanatan heritage.
Where has the ‘PDA’ gone? Is it not sidelined? Additionally, what implications does Sambhal have for the INDI-Alliance in the Hindi heartland? What’s the standing of the Congress in the evolving political landscape post-Sambhal? The recent UP bypolls have already put the Samajwadi Party and Congress on shaky ground. Has Sambhal sounded the death knell for these parties?
Today, both the Congress and the Samajwadi Party are vying for the same beleaguered, disheartened Muslim voter base, which had initially positioned Sambhal as a launchpad for broader political influence in the state and beyond. Which party will garner the crucial Muslim votes—Samajwadi Party or Congress?
Compounding the issues for the INDI-Alliance, the BJP is also courting the Muslim voter base, capitalizing on divisions within the community. The BJP’s ‘Kundarki victory’ illustrated a stark polarization between ‘Turk’ and ‘Pathan’ Muslims, confirming the party’s strategy of navigating divisive waters.
Samajwadi Party MP Ziaur Rahman Barq, representing Sambhal, finds himself embroiled in controversy. With three FIRs against him, including one for allegedly inciting violence in Sambhal resulting in the deaths of five Pathan individuals and injuries to over 20, he faces significant legal challenges. Another FIR accuses him of leading a gang involved in electricity theft.
While the Allahabad High Court stayed his arrest on January 3, it did not dismiss the FIRs. Barq has been ordered to cooperate with the investigation, or else risk arrest. He appears trapped in a predicament similar to that of Azam Khan, who has faced relentless scrutiny from Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.
So, what has unfolded since mindless violence erupted in Sambhal? The narrative has shifted considerably—post-November 24, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has emerged nearly untouchable. Sambhal has become Yogi’s ‘baby,’ and the uncertainties that loomed after a disappointing Lok Sabha performance have vanished.
No significant challengers remain for Yogi, presenting a worrying scenario for Akhilesh Yadav, who had been eyeing the 2027 elections for a political comeback. The events surrounding Sambhal, though unfortunate for him and the Samajwadi Party, unfolded nonetheless.
The predicament of MP Ziaur Rahman Barq highlights that politicians can no longer act with impunity. Yogi Adityanath is determined to set an example with Barq, directly challenging his ally and mentor, Akhilesh Yadav.
The fate of the Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal, an ASI-protected site, also hangs in the balance as the Supreme Court hears a petition from AIMIM Chief Asaduddin Owaisi, who presents himself as a champion of Muslim rights, invoking the controversial Places of Worship Act, 1991, and the Waqf Act.
Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has adroitly navigated the Places of Worship Act during his administration’s efforts to uncover long-buried Hindu deities in Sambhal, including those revered by the Yadavs. Such developments elicit discomfort among secularists, particularly as the resurgence of Hindus in Sambhal suggests that the prevailing sentiment has spread to regions like Bareilly, Varanasi, and other parts of Uttar Pradesh.
Sambhal, alongside the upcoming ‘Mahakumbh’ in Prayagraj, signifies a transformational period and the revitalization of the Sanatan tradition—a metamorphosis that political parties must heed or risk significant consequences.
